Wednesday, February 23, 2011

Intercepted Email From Satan to GWB

Thanks to the Patriot Act and other unconstitutional, police state legislation, Homeland Security quietly announced it had intercepted email communications between Satan, somewhere in Hades and GWB somewhere around Midland, Texas. In an attempt to scoop its bitter rival WikiLeaks, Homeland Security has made available totally uncensored and unredacted copies of this exchange of communiques giving mortal men and women this rare peek into the inner workings of the world's two greatest purveyors of Evil.


Whattup LED? How cum you haven't written lately? Still playing "doctor" with that little pussy Bieber?

Seriously, you are behind schedule so you better start cracking the whip because I can replace you just as easily as I replaced Mao, Stalin and Hitler!

I see things are proceeding satisfactorily in Wisconsin and soon Ohio will be ours!

All 4 given. now make like et (extra testicle) and phone home.

Wage war and cut taxes, over and out.





To: ITsNotTeaItsGOP@aol.com
Subject: viagra
From: littleevildoerl@aol.com
Date: Mon, 21 Jan 2011 18:17:38 -0600

Boss,

I saw "Son of Lon Chaney" the other day, when are you going to tell him that heart pump contraption of yours is just one of your cruel jokes?

Saturday, February 19, 2011

The Rat Got The Cheese: Trouble In Packer Land




Drunk with power and still feeling the lingering effects of their Post Super Bowl Victory Celebration(s), Wisconsin Republican Governor and Republican controlled State Senate played a cat and mouse game with Democratic State Senators who had to flee to the relative safety of Rockford, Illinois last week to avoid being picked up by the Wisconsin State Patrol in a desperate attempt by the Republicans to force a quorum.

How could Wisconsin teachers and other public employees shirk their duties and descend en mass upon Madison's version of Cairo's Tahrir Square? Aren't the Wisconsin Public Employees acting like babies at a time when its tough all over and after all don't public employees receive many times over the benefits received by their counterparts in private industry?

Well who's playing the class warfare card now? But there is something far more sinister going on than budget cuts at a time of unprecedented state deficits. It may sound like hyperbole to those too lazy to look into the issue, but the Republicans in Wisconsin are actually trying to outlaw the right of public employees in Wisconsin to collectively bargain as part of the fiscal belt tightening legislation. And why should the average American care if the coddled few who are fortunate enough to have a job, let alone a public sector job, has the right to collectively bargain? Let's see... how about health and safety regulations, the 5 day, 40 hour work week, and , oh yeah, weekends...all brought to you thanks to unions.

"But, but.. that's just the rantings and ravings of crazed cheeseheads", you may say. "That could never happen here in Minnesota. Could it?"

Make up your own minds. Here is an excerpt from Christensen v. Mpls. Mun. Emp. Retire. Bd., 331 NW 2d 740 (Minn. S.CT. 1983):

Appellant Christensen argues that he has a right, either in contract or property, to continue receiving his monthly retirement allowance, even though the legislature has changed the age eligibility requirement. He argues that any statute which purports to take away his current right to retirement benefits is unconstitutional, either as an impairment of contract or as a deprivation of property without due process.

The trial court, however, concluded that Minnesota was committed to viewing public pensions as a gratuity, and that, while it would have preferred to rule otherwise, a change, if any, should come from this court. A brief review, then, of our case law is needed.

A. Our prior case law.

In 1914 this court, in Gibbs v. Minneapolis Fire Department Relief Ass'n, 125 Minn. 174, 145 N.W. 1075 (1914), held that the legislature could amend the definition of "widow" in the pension law to make plaintiff, an employee's widow, ineligible for both accrued and future payments. Quoting cases from other jurisdictions holding a public pension to be a gratuity, we said that "[a]s against the state there is no vested right in the pension accruing in the future from month to month. It may be taken away." 125 Minn. at 176, 145 N.W. at 1076. In Hessian v. Ervin, 204 Minn. 287, 283 N.W. 404 (1939), we rejected the challenge of an employee to a pension statute calling for mandatory deductions from the employee's salary and to a claim that the pension fund was actuarially unsound; we reasoned that the employee had no vested right in the pension fund at least until he had retired and perhaps then only as to those payments already accrued. In Johnson v. State Employees' Retirement Ass'n, 208 Minn. 111, 292 N.W. 767 (1940), we unequivocally adhered to the gratuity approach in declining to find a vested right in public pensions, although there the statute in effect at the time the annuity was reduced expressly provided that "the retirement board may ratably reduce such annuities whenever the condition of the maintenance fund shall require such reduction."

In Halek v. City of St. Paul, 227 Minn. 477, 480, 35 N.W.2d 705, 706-07 (1949), we declined to find a vested right in paid sick leave for public employees and, in so doing, observed that Johnson holds that "statutory provisions for payment by a governmental authority to public employees of retirement pensions create no contractual or vested rights, but on the contrary constitute the grant of a gratuity terminable at the will of the grantor * * *." In Slezak v. Ousdigian, 260 Minn. 303, 309, 110 N.W.2d 1, 5-6 (1961), in denying plaintiff employees the right to an accounting from the defendant secretary of PERA, we observed that "[t]he presumption is that a statute or an ordinance granting a gratuity to a public employee such as a retirement pension is not intended to create private contractual or vested rights but merely declares a policy to be pursued until the legislature or city council shall ordain otherwise." Most recently, in Halverson v. Rolvaag, 274 Minn. 273, 143 N.W.2d 239 (1966), in defining the nature of a survivor's interest in federal benefits arising from the death of a national guardsman, we noted that the defendant relied on the line of cases beginning with Gibbs holding a public pension to be a gratuity but distinguished these cases as not being in point.

On the other hand, in another line of cases this court has intimated that it is predisposed towards joining the strong trend away from the gratuity theory and towards the contract theory of employees' rights in public pensions. See Donaldson v. Mankato Policemen's Benefit Ass'n, 278 N.W.2d 533 (Minn.1979); Fassbinder v. 746*746 Minneapolis Fire Department Relief Ass'n, 254 N.W.2d 363 (Minn.1977); Sandell v. St. Paul Police Relief Ass'n, 306 Minn. 262, 236 N.W.2d 170 (1975); Sylvestre v. State, 298 Minn. 142, 214 N.W.2d 658 (1973); State ex rel. Gorczyca v. City of Minneapolis, 174 Minn. 594, 219 N.W. 924 (1928); Stevens v. Minneapolis Fire Department Relief Ass'n, 124 Minn. 381, 145 N.W. 35 (1914).

In Gorczyca we held that public pensions were not a gratuity and that the pension statute becomes a part of the employee's contract of employment. In Sylvestre we stated that our cases using the gratuity approach did not involve retirement benefits for judges and, noting the special constitutional provisions applicable to judges, went on to apply a contractual analysis to judges' pensions. In Sandell we again used a contract approach in analyzing the nature of the public pensioner's interest. There we denied plaintiff employees the right to withdraw their contributions to the pension fund on leaving public employment before qualifying for retirement benefits because, since neither the articles or bylaws of the relief association, nor the pension law gave an employee a right to the return of his contributions, plaintiffs were not "contractually entitled" to a refund.

In Stevens v. Minneapolis Fire Department Relief Ass'n, 124 Minn. 381, 145 N.W. 35 (1914), the relief association discontinued the plaintiff pensioner's disability pension without a hearing on the ground that plaintiff was no longer disabled. The relief association defended on the ground that since a pension was a gratuity no hearing was required. We held that due process required a hearing. Stevens, however, does not involve a retroactive change in the pension rules but only a failure to apply the existing rules fairly.

Thus we see that our case law over the years has not remained wedded to the gratuity approach, but has at times, without always articulating the reasons therefor, used a contract analysis. We also might observe that another section of chapter 422A reveals that the legislature was aware that rights of some kind could vest under its retirement program. Minn.Stat. § 422A.25 (1982) provides in part:

Nothing contained in sections 422A.01 to 422A.25 shall be construed as diminishing, limiting or modifying any vested right of an employee, annuitant or beneficiary to a retirement allowance, annuity or pension acquired under the law existing prior to May 1, 1975.

(Emphasis added.) We agree with the state that this proviso fails to define "vested rights" and, therefore, begs the question before us. Nonetheless, this section indicates that the legislature may have recognized that the gratuity theory of public pensions has no force today. In any event, it is time to put our analysis of public pension cases on a sounder, more consistent, conceptual basis.

B. The nature of the employees' interest.

1. First of all, we abandon the notion that retirement benefits in the public sector are nothing more than a gratuity. In the past the gratuity theory may have been justified by the fact that promised benefits were insignificant in amount. See Note, Public Employee Pensions in Times of Fiscal Distress, 90 Harv.L.Rev. 992, 997 (1977). But times have changed. It is estimated that in 1942 less than half of the 3.2 million state and local government employees had some kind of a public retirement program, while by the 1960's about 75% of some 7 million public employees had such coverage. Cohn, Public Employee Retirement Plans — The Nature of the Employees' Rights, 1968 Ill.Law Forum 32, 33 n. 3. Since then pension coverage has increased while at the same time, particularly in the last two decades, increasing numbers of public employees are reaching retirement age and finding that pension funding is not always adequate to provide what has been promised. See, e.g., Fritz, The Growing Challenges of Providing Pensions to State and Local Civil Servants in an Aging Society, 3 Int'l J. of Pub.Adm. 405 (1981).

In 1914, when public pension benefits tended to be nominal by today's standards and when governmental policy was more 747*747 laissez faire, we quoted in Gibbs from an Illinois case that "[a] pension is a bounty springing from the graciousness and appreciation of sovereignty." 125 Minn. at 177, 145 N.W. at 1077. Today, that language is at best quaint, and at worst, demeaning. Retirement plans are now an accepted and expected part of one's employment, whether public or private. To attract and retain good employees, employers need to provide competitive retirement programs. Employees in the public sector undertake employment, at times on less favorable terms than in the private sector, with the expectation that they will have a measure of security in their retirement years. As one commentator puts it:

The universally recognized primary objectives of retirement plans are to enable the employer to attract better employees, to reduce turnover, to facilitate orderly retirement of older employees, to retain valuable employees who might seek more productive employment elsewhere, and, most importantly from the employee viewpoint, to assure a measure of income upon retirement adequate to allow the annuitant to live in reasonable security. These objectives, of increasing importance in private employment, are even more critical in government personnel policy as, with few exceptions, government cannot compete with private industry salary levels, and must rely heavily upon the equalizing factor of an attractive and liberal retirement plan.

Cohn, Public Employee Retirement Plans — The Nature of Employees' Rights, 1968 Ill.Law Forum 32 at 40. We therefore expressly overrule Gibbs v. Minneapolis Fire Department Relief Ass'n, 125 Minn. 174, 145 N.W. 1075 (1914), and those cases which follow its holding, relying on the gratuity theory.

2. We think today a public employee's interest in a pension is best characterized in terms of promissory estoppel. This approach is presaged, to a degree, by our previous holdings using the contract approach, to which promissory estoppel is related. Thus, in Gorczyca v. City of Minneapolis, 174 Minn. 594, 598, 219 N.W. 924, 925 (1928), employing a contract approach, we held:

[A pension or retirement allowance] is not a gratuity when the services are rendered while the pension or retirement relief statute is in force, so that the statute becomes a part of the contract of employment and contemplates such pension or allowance as part of the compensation for the services rendered.

Then in Sylvestre v. State, 298 Minn. 142, 214 N.W.2d 658 (1973), we characterized the relationship between the state and its district court judges with respect to pensions as contractual. We there reasoned that the assumption of judicial office in response to the state's offer of a pension constitutes the commencement of performance by the judge of a unilateral contract and makes the state's offer binding subject to completion of the performance for the specified period of time. Sylvestre is, of course, different from this case in that it involved the pensions of district court judges, whose office has a constitutional basis and whose compensation cannot be constitutionally reduced during continuance in office. Sylvestre is nevertheless instructive in its use of a contract approach to define the pension interest of public employees.

We do not think, however, that the conventional contract approach provides an appropriate analysis for public pensions generally. In jurisdictions which have adopted the contract approach, usually the state constitution or state statutes have expressly defined the pension relationship between the state and its employees as contractual. See, for example, Opinion of the Justices, 364 Mass. 847, 303 N.E.2d 320 (1973); Birnbaum v. New York State Teachers Retirement System, 5 N.Y.2d 1, 152 N.E.2d 241, 176 N.Y.S.2d 984 (1958). A conventional contract approach, with its strict rules of offer and acceptance, tends to deprive the analysis of the relationship between the state and its employees of a needed flexibility. See Note, Public Employee Pensions in Times of Fiscal Distress, 90 Harv.L.Rev. 992, 998 (1977). Nor do we think characterizing the pension interest as a kind of property 748*748 right, as the retirement board here urges, is appropriate. To afford protection for a property interest, moreover, would involve an extension of the somewhat dubious doctrine of "substantive" due process.

It is clear that the state and its political subdivisions, by legislation enacted by the state legislature, can make an offer or promise to its employees, and that with respect to a pension, it has done so. See Sylvestre. Part of the problem is that in making an "offer" the state may, at the same time, say that it is not creating any contract rights. Thus, Minn.Stat. § 353.38 (1982) of the Public Employees Retirement Association (PERA) provides, "Nothing done under the terms of this chapter and acts amendatory thereof shall create or give any contract rights to any person * * *." See also Minn.Stat. § 354.07, subd. 8 (1980), the Teachers Retirement Association ("No provision of this chapter shall create or give any contract rights to any person") and Minn.Stat. § 352.022 (1982), the Minnesota State Retirement System ("No provision * * * shall create or give any contract rights to any person").

With respect to the fund involved here, the Minneapolis Municipal Employees Retirement Plan, the statutory scheme is similar to that for judges' pensions in that it does not contain a disclaimer of contract rights. This raises the question of whether the unilateral contract analysis used in Sylvestre might not then be extended to this case. We do not, however, reach that question, nor need we decide at this time if promissory estoppel might not also apply to judicial pensions in a Sylvestre setting; it is enough for now that we find that promissory estoppel affords the appropriate analytic approach here.

First of all, it should be noted that the statutory disclaimers of pension contract rights do more than simply reserve the state's right to amend or modify its contractual promise from time to time; instead, the disclaimers purport to deny the creation of any contract right at any time. If this is true, then the state's promise is illusory; it is dependent once again on the "graciousness and appreciation of sovereignty" (or the lack of it) — an archaic notion of a gratuity, which we have rejected.

We do not think this is what the legislature intended. We think the legislature intended that public employees have a "right" to the offered pension, that this "right" is a protectable entitlement though subject to the paramount interest of the state to modify it in the public interest, but that this right is not to be defined by strict conventional contract principles.[2]

It is in this context, which we think is realistic, fair and practical, that we decide to judge the state's promise by the doctrine of promissory estoppel. In Del Hayes & Sons, Inc. v. Mitchell, 304 Minn. 275, 283, 230 N.W.2d 588, 593 (1975), we explained that:

Promissory estoppel is the name applied to a contract implied in law where no contract exists in fact. The effect of promissory estoppel is to imply a contract from a unilateral or otherwise unenforceable promise coupled by detrimental reliance on the part of the promisee.

(Footnotes omitted.) In other words, promissory estoppel precisely applies where, as here, there are no "contract rights." We have held, for example, that it applies where a promise is illusory. See Grouse v. 749*749 Group Health Plan, Inc., 306 N.W.2d 114, 116 (1981). The Restatement (Second) of Contracts § 90 (1981) defines the doctrine as follows:

A promise which the promissor should reasonably expect to induce action or forbearance on the part of the promissee * * and which does induce such action or forbearance is binding if injustice can be avoided only by the enforcement of the promise.

In the realities of the modern employment marketplace, the state reasonably expects its promise of a retirement program to induce persons to accept and remain in public employment, and persons are so induced, and injustice can be avoided only by enforcement of that promise. Promissory estoppel, like equitable estoppel, may be applied against the state to the extent that justice requires. See Mesaba Aviation Division v. County of Itasca, 258 N.W.2d 877, 880 (Minn.1977) (equitable estoppel applies against the state); Construction Supply Co. v. Bostrom Sheet Metal Works, 291 Minn. 113, 120, 190 N.W.2d 71, 75 (1971) (promissory estoppel is "a doctrine based on reliance which courts may use in a proper case to prevent injustice").

In applying promissory estoppel, two factors must be kept in mind: (1) What has been promised by the state? and (2) to what degree and to what aspects of the promise has there been reasonable reliance on the part of the employee? Not every promise in all its implications is necessarily enforceable under promissory estoppel. Estoppel applies only to avoid injustice. Here the state has not promised its employees any pension as a matter of contract right. What it has promised and what its employees have relied on, and what, therefore, the law will enforce, is a pension program, the terms of which are protectable subject to reasonable legislative modification from time to time.

We now apply these principles to this case. In 1966 appellant Christensen voluntarily became a member of the contributing class of the fund. It was at this point, when he elected to become eligible for pension benefits, that the state was estopped from denying its promise to provide then-existing pension benefits prescribed by statute, subject to reasonable legislative modification upon Christensen's satisfaction of eligibility requirements. The statutes in effect at that time imposed a 15-year service requirement which Christensen proceeded to and thereafter did satisfy. In 1969 the legislature reduced the service requirement to 10 years. On January 4, 1974, Christensen left municipal service and at that time elected to receive his retirement benefits on a monthly basis rather than a lump sum. At no time while he was in municipal service did the legislature modify its promise of a pension by attempting to impose a minimum age requirement. Not until Christensen had completed the requirements specified for receipt of his pension and he had retired did the legislature attempt to modify its promise to Christensen by saying that he must now reach age 60 before he could receive any more monthly benefits. Under these circumstances, we hold that appellant Christensen has a protectable pension entitlement and that the state's promise of a pension to be paid when he retired, as defined by the statutes existing in January 1974, is binding on the state.

III.

Although a promise may be deemed enforceable against the public employer by reason of promissory estoppel, the inquiry does not end there. A promise enforced by estoppel, like a contract, contains an implied condition that the terms are subject to modification under the state's police power. For example, in Minneapolis Gas Co. v. Zimmerman, 253 Minn. 164, 184, 91 N.W.2d 642, 645 (1958), we said, "[A]ll contracts made by the state are entered into subject to the implied condition that they are ever subordinate to a reasonable and proper exercise of the state's inalienable police power." This exercise of the police power is, however, itself constrained by the federal and state constitutional prohibition against the passage of a law that 750*750 impairs the obligations of contract. We hold that the state constitution's impairment of contract clause, Minn. Const. art. I, § 11, applies to an implied-in-law obligation created by promissory estoppel. As recognized by the Restatement, promises rendered binding through estoppel are entitled to the normal enforcement remedies of general contract law. Restatement (Second) of Contracts § 90 comment d (1981).[3] The question thus presented is whether the enactment of Minn.Stat. § 422A.156 (1982) is invalid as an unconstitutional impairment of the state's obligation, imposed by principles of estoppel, to provide the pension it promised.

The approaches of promissory estoppel and the impairment-of-contract clause appear to overlap. Promissory estoppel, however, focuses on the reasonableness of the employee's reliance to create a contractual obligation,[4] while the contract clause assumes the existence of a contract and determines whether the state may alter its terms, based on the reasonableness of the state's actions when balanced against the employee's interests.

The federal constitutional prohibition against contract impairment, U.S. Const., art. I, § 10, cl. 1, has been construed to mean that the state reserves some power to modify contract terms when the public interest requires. Allied Structural Steel Co. v. Spannaus, 438 U.S. 234, 98 S.Ct. 2716, 57 L.Ed.2d 727 (1978); United States Trust Co. v. New Jersey, 431 U.S. 1, 97 S.Ct. 1505, 52 L.Ed.2d 92 (1977); Home Building & Loan Ass'n v. Blaisdell, 290 U.S. 398, 54 S.Ct. 231, 78 L.Ed. 413 (1934). Or as the Eighth Circuit has stated:

However, the contracts clause is a viable restriction of the powers of the States, and if a State undertakes to alter substantially the terms of a contract, it must justify the alteration, and the burden that is on the state varies directly with the substantiality of the alteration. A serious alteration of the terms of a contract resulting from state legislation is permissible if, but only if, the legislation is necessary to meet a broad and pressing social or economic need, if the legislation is reasonably adopted for the solution of the problem involved, and if it is not over broad or over harsh.

White Motor Corp. v. Malone, 599 F.2d 283 at 287 (8th Cir.1979). See also Minneapolis Gas Co. v. Zimmerman, supra; Naftalin v. King, 252 Minn. 381, 389, 90 N.W.2d 185, 191 (1958).

The United States Supreme Court has recently enunciated a three-part test to determine when a contractual impairment is unconstitutional. Energy Reserves Group v. Kansas Power & Light, ___ U.S. ___, 103 S.Ct. 697, 74 L.Ed.2d 569 (1983). The initial question is whether the state law has, in fact, operated as a substantial impairment of a contractual obligation. The severity of the impairment increases the level of scrutiny to which the legislation is subjected. 751*751 If there is a substantial impairment, the state, at the second step, must demonstrate a significant and legitimate public purpose behind the legislation. Third, the state's action is examined in the light of this public purpose to see "whether the adjustment of the rights and responsibilities of the contracting parties [is based] upon reasonable conditions and [is] of a character appropriate to the public purpose justifying [the legislation's] adoption." 103 S.Ct. at 705-06 (brackets in original). This three-part test is applied with more scrutiny when the state seeks to impair a contract to which it is a party than when it regulates a private contract since "complete deference to a legislative assessment of reasonableness and necessity is not appropriate because the State's self-interest is at stake." United States Trust Co. v. New Jersey, 431 U.S. 1, 26, 97 S.Ct. 1505, 1519, 52 L.Ed.2d 92 (1977). See also Energy Reserves Group, 103 S.Ct. at 705-06 n. 14.

The reasonableness and necessity of legislative action affecting pension benefits requires a balance or adjustment of the competing interests involved. At stake is the need for public employees to be secure in their retirement programs and, on the other hand, the public's concern with the integrity of the pension fund and the state's overall fiscal soundness.

With respect to the employee's claim of a need for security in his retirement benefits, the state argues that here the employee cannot claim any justifiable reliance on his promised retirement entitlement because it is not reasonable for an employee to rely on a promise of a lifelong pension prior to age 60. In support of this argument, the state points out that the understood purpose of a pension system is to provide income for disability or for the time when the employee's working days are over. Since, it is argued, this purpose is not served by Christensen's "early" pension, consideration of Christensen's needs ought to yield to the state's countervailing interests. These interests are that in enacting section 422A.156, the legislature presumably was attempting to correct its past mistakes, realizing that to pay pensions to retired elected city officials after only 10 years of service and regardless of age is unfair, especially since other city employees must wait until age 60, and further realizing that the pension for retired elected officials is actuarially unsound. The record, in fact, shows that appellant Christensen paid $7,051.51 into the retirement fund but has already received benefits of $27,380.86, and that the actuarial value of appellant's retirement allowance as of May 1, 1980, the date payments were terminated, was $73,872.61. In its pleadings, the retirement board alleges that, for all nine retirees in Christensen's situation, there will be an unfunded liability of $258,655.02, for which the state is liable.

Applying the Energy Reserves three-part test to these claims makes it obvious that the state's concern in correcting any inequities in the city's pension plan must yield to the employee's need to be secure in his expected retirement benefits. First, the suspension of retirement benefits until age 60 is a substantial impairment of the contract terms. It may be a prudent alteration; correcting an inequity or a fiscal misjudgment can be a significant and legitimate public purpose, as the second prong of this test requires.

When this alteration is applied, however, to former city officers, like appellant, who have already left city employment and are relying on their monthly pension benefits for living expenses, we do not think that the need for a minimum age requirement is so compelling, or is such a reasonable condition appropriate to the public purpose claimed as to justify impairment of the state's obligation. There is no claim that the integrity of the pension fund or of the overall state budget is so affected that the obligation to Christensen and those similarly situated cannot reasonably be kept. Only nine persons, including Christensen, are affected by section 422A.156. If, as the trial court suggested, the interest at stake is correcting previous errors of legislative judgment by equalizing the age eligibility requirements for all persons who contribute to the city's retirement fund, then the interest 752*752 may be served sufficiently by less drastic alternatives, for instance, by applying section 422A.156 only to elected officials joining the pension plan after enactment of the section. Thus, the statute fails on the third prong of the three-part test. Whether or to what extent the section applies to elected city officers who were employed at the time of its enactment and remain currently employed is not before us.

We hold, therefore, that Minn.Stat. § 422A.156 (1982) is invalid as an unconstitutional impairment of contractual obligations to the extent that it purports to apply to elected city officials, such as appellant, already retired at the time of its enactment.

Reversed.

[1] In its third party complaint, the Minneapolis Municipal Retirement Board alleges that if Minn.Stat. § 422A.156 (1982) were declared unconstitutional the pension fund would incur an unfunded liability or actuarial loss which the State of Minnesota would be required to fund pursuant to Minn.Stat. § 422A.101, subd. 3 (1982).

[2] This is partly borne out by the purpose clause of the Public Employment Labor Relations Act of 1971, wherein the legislature states its purpose is "to promote orderly and constructive relationships between all public employers and their employees, subject however, to the paramount right of the citizens of this state to keep inviolate the guarantees for their health, education, safety and welfare" and recognizes the "need of cooperation and employment protection" in the public sector. See Minn.Stat. § 179.61 (1982) (emphasis added).

Thus PELRA grants public employees the right to organize and bargain. But here again, in defining what are the negotiable "terms and conditions of employment," the legislature excluded "retirement contributions or benefits." Minn.Stat. § 179.63, subd. 18 (1982). This exclusion does not mean that retirement laws are not an item intended to be entitled to "employment protection," but only that in this important area the public employer will not negotiate but reserves to itself the granting of pension terms.

[3] In accord is Opinion of the Justices, 364 Mass. 847, 303 N.E.2d 320 (1973), where the Massachusetts Supreme Court held that the contractual relationship created by the public pension was covered by the impairment-of-contract clauses in the federal and state constitutions. The Massachusetts court observed that in the legislative pension area the term "contract" should be understood in a special sense and that "[w]hen, therefore, the characterization `contract' is used, it is best understood as meaning that the retirement scheme has generated material expectations on the part of employees and these expectations should in substance be respected." 364 Mass. at 861, 303 N.E.2d at 328. This contract, in the special sense used by the Massachusetts court, is really, it seems to us, an application of promissory estoppel.

[4] "The promisor is affected only by reliance which he does or should foresee, and enforcement must be necessary to avoid injustice. Satisfaction of the latter requirement may depend on the reasonableness of the promisee's reliance, on its definite and substantial character in relation to the remedy sought, on the formality with which the promise is made, on the extent to which the evidentiary, cautionary, deterrent and channeling functions of form are met by the commercial setting or otherwise, and on the extent to which such other policies as the enforcement of bargains and the prevention of unjust enrichment are relevant." Restatement (Second) of Contracts § 90 comment b (1981).

Wednesday, February 16, 2011

Here We go Again: Get Out Your Tin Foil Hats Because the Birthers Are Back

It's that time of year again when I turn my radio dial away from Minnesota Public Radio (i.e. the February fund drive) and tune in the "Big Neighbor" WCCO. To any Baby Boomer born in Minnesota, WCCO radio is the 50,000 clear watt station of our parents and our yout, as nordeasterners would say. And before you judge me, let me say I am a member of the best public radio station in the country, however I am sitting out this fund drive in my personal protest of National Public Radio's handling of the Juan Williams travesty. Why punish MPR for the sins of NPR, you ask? As Bill Clinton famously stated when asked why he had the liaison with Monica Lewinsky, "..for probably the worst reason...because I could". Seriously, one of the most effective ways to get your point across in America is to vote with your dollars and I had no choice but to withhold my dollars from an intermediary to get my point across to the parent or affiliated entity.

It took me only about five minutes to regret my changing stations. My first hint that I was in for commercial radio dumb-downed drivel was the station check before the all too frequent commercial breaks announcing that I was listening to the Chad Hartman Show. The last I had heard, Sid's marginally talented son was working for the All Sports Talk Station. What was Chad's topic du jour? Debunking the Birther's big lie after a recent news article reported a survey of Republican primary voters revealed 72% of them were not sure whether the President was born in this country and 51% believed he was not.

Listening to the mental midgets who were self-identifying themselves as Republicans, I had to hit my forehead against the steering wheel several times wishing instead I was slamming their heads against a concrete wall. Anyone so lazy and/or stupid who cannot take the 3.2 seconds to draft and submit a google query and see irrefutable proof of the President's citizenship is beyond having a rational discussion with. We have serious problems facing this country and we don't have the luxury of wasting more time over this nonsense.

So get out your tin foil hats again America because the Birthers are Back!
*"...Of course, it's distantly possible that Obama's grandparents may have planted the announcement just in case their grandson needed to prove his U.S. citizenship in order to run for president someday. We suggest that those who choose to go down that path should first equip themselves with a high-quality tinfoil hat. The evidence is clear: Barack Obama was born in the U.S.A.

–by Jess Henig, with Joe Miller
Sources
United States Department of State. "Application for a U.S. Passport." Accessed 20 Aug. 2008.

State of Hawaii Department of Health. "Request for Certified Copy of Birth Record." Accessed 20 Aug. 2008.

Hollyfield, Amy. "Obama's Birth Certificate: Final Chapter." Politifact.com. 27 Jun. 2008."


*http://thegreatrollcall.blogspot.com/2008/08/fact-obama-born-in-hawaii-case-closed.html

Saturday, January 22, 2011

"Skins": What's With All the Hub, Bub?

Now that my college junior of a daughter is back living with me full time after her Semester Abroad tour I am suddenly exposed to the youth mass culture again. I am especially befuddled by what passes as news these days on shows like "Hollywood...I Don't Care" or something. Frankly, it's just alot of nonsense and a waste of time.

But from what I gleaned from it, as it is constantly on in one version or another, 24 hours of the day, running in the background as a kind of soundtrack to my daughter's life, shocked and amazed me. Sure, sure I realize that, technically, we violated the church's Tuesday Open Gym Night policy of "...#38. Shirts must be worn at all times." And I know, I know, that the blinding sight of one half of the Lutheran Men's Over 45 Basketball League without their shirts on is not exactly a pretty sight but heavens to Martin Luther I never expected that it would be all over the pop media shows the next several days! I mean, Jees Louise! Get over this "Skins" hub bub already. We may be gray and flabby but I think that it is cool that MTV, like AARP has gone hip hop, so get used to it.

Friday, January 21, 2011

The Responsibility That Comes With Congressional Oversight

It's the coldest day, minus twenty without the windchill, of the statistically coldest week of the year, my kids just boarded a plane for Hawaii and my "streak" of Thursdays is preserved. "Who could ask for anything more?" you are saying to yourself. Well, I for one.

You see, now is the time for a new Congress to start setting its agenda for Congressional Oversight hearings. This is where the rubber hits the road in terms of doing the Peoples business. Will the Republicans and their sub caucus, the tea party, led by their self-anointed, delusional, national candidate wanna be and Minnesota's joke to the nation Michele Bachmann actually buckle down , live up to their alleged fiscal conservative roots and hold hearings on issues of national financial significance and that could make a real dent in attacking our economic problems?

Well if the latest actions of Minnesota's newly minted Republicanized legislature are any indication, this country is in for alot of empty posturing. Yesterday, the re-bubba-cans in the Minnesota House chamber passed a bill to get at the roots of the over $6 Billion Dollar Deficit aka the Pawlenty Legacy Budget: require all EBT card users (food stamps and government assistance recipients)to show photo id at every transaction, restrict their use out of state, restrict the ability to receive cash back, and restrictions on what can be purchased (no tobacco, lottery tickets, alcohol, etc.).

While all of the above may sound like practical solutions in search of a problem, there is already a mechanism to go after welfare fraud and abuse and more importantly, I truly don't believe that micro-managing and blaming a powerless class of people like welfare recipients are the keys to solving our dire fiscal catastrophe. But hey, thanks Timmy and how's that book tour going for you? Down in Florida, I suppose.

Monday, January 17, 2011

Haiti: From the Frying Pan Into the Fire A Country Goes




Just when you think things cannot get any worse...We awoke on this national holiday honoring Martin Luther King to the news that former tyrant and deposed dictator Baby Doc Duvalier had returned to his former stomping grounds, the backs of the Haitian people.

While many will point to the estimated tens of thousands of dead his regime left in its wake, my personal favorite Baby Doc story that kinda sums up his leadership in a nutshell is the anecdote that while the Haitian people were suffering and starving out a hard scrabble existence, Baby Doc and family would go on shopping sprees at the finest stores in Paris and piss away the country's meager wealth on such necessities as fur coats for the Mrs. Why or how could anyone wear fur coats in the oppressive Caribbean heat of Haiti? No problem, Baby Doc squandered more of his peoples money building a refrigerated vault so the Mrs. could wear her furs in the basement of the Presidential mansion. See http://www.people.com/people/archive/article/0,,20103707,00.html

Cold fur...just what Haiti needs at its time of crisis.

When Science Becomes a Belief, Politics Become Abysmal

Remember the old statistics adage "garbage in, garbage out" meaning if you start with bad data, you're bound to get bad results in terms of decision making. I think all rational people would agree, that when it comes to something really important, say a life or death medical decision for a loved one, you want the best information from the very best doctors and scientists their respective fields have to offer and take it all in before making a reasoned decision. You surely would not just make some rash decision, based only upon some gut level instinct and belief that has been conditioned into mass culture as a result of the shortcomings of modern journalism.

The major network news departments, cable t.v. and the print media condition the masses that there are two sides to everything, including science. It is no wonder then that the body politic is so divided and cannot even come to a consensus on the bloody obvious. It is no wonder that people make decisions based upon the belief that there side is right, damn the cold hard scientific facts. When someone is so blinded by belief that they are not even receptive to hear the facts, we as a society are the losers, doomed to stumbling from bad facts in, to bad decision making to bad outcomes. Fact up America!

Sunday, January 16, 2011

True Grit: Bridges, Damon and the Cohens Abide


The Cohen Brothers and Jeff Bridges have done it again. In their largely original remake of the 1969 John Wayne classic, True Grit, St. Louis Park, MN natives Joel and Ethan Cohen continue to demonstrate why they are the best filmmakers in the industry today, bar none. What separates the Cohens from everyone else is their incredible ear for dialogue.

In their Academy Award winning film, "No Country for Old Men" the dialogue had a life, timing and rhythm completely of its own. I told everyone I know they had to see this movie just for the dialogue, which I described as "...being so lyrical it was almost like music". This was in sharp contrast to the dark and foreboding subject matter: the ultra violence of the cross-border drug trade.

Now the Cohens have applied their considerable writing, casting and directing talents to a genre that many had written off as something of the past and injected new life and vitality into it. Now I am the first to admit that when I heard that the Cohens had selected True Grit for their next project I had my doubts. One of my biggest peeves regarding today's Hollywood (or Nashville for that matter) is the intellectual and creative laziness in doing remakes of classic films or music and phoning in the results. If the original was a true classic, no one needs some of today's lesser talents aping their way through a line by line, note for note rip off. You all know of which I speak and space limitations does not permit my reciting them here. This is precisely why I am so gosh struck over this film.

You see, I am of the age that I can honestly say that I saw the original in its first run in the theaters way back in 1969-70. Although John Wayne was getting all the press at the time and finally receiving some of the critical acclaim and peer recognition that his long career so richly deserved (e.g. The Searchers, Shane and She Wore a Yellow Ribbon) but rarely received, what immediately struck me at the time was the strong performance by acting novice and under appreciated musician Glen Campbell. Adding to Wayne's and Campbell's strong performances was an incredible cast of the industry's finest character actors which included the likes of the venerable, cult idol Strother Martin and destined to be legendary Robert Duvall and Dennis Hopper.

I am more than pleased to say that the 2010 Grit does the original proud because of its originality. Jeff Bridges, in his understated, effortless and classy manner, has taken the torch from Robert DeNiro as film's greatest male lead. Newcomer Hallie Steinfeld is a shoe-in for an Oscar and holds her own in on screen presence with the likes of Jeff Bridges and an almost overlooked but wonderfully played supporting role by Matt Damon. Damon is, in fact, so good that you can almost forgive him for playing a role in giving us Ben Affleck, who, along with Dennis Quaid, are the two worst actors in history.

So whether you are lover of the Cohen brothers, Jeff Bridges, Matt Damon, classic westerns or just plain old damn good cinema , gallop don't trot to the theater to see "True Grit".

Saturday, January 15, 2011

Talking Past Each Other and Legislation By Victimization

It has been a full week now since the tragedy transpired in Tuscon. In just seven days we have seen our fellow Americans express their reactions in a multitude of ways.

Some of our fellow citizens were quick, way too quick, to point the "blood" stained finger of collective blame. Others were cavalier, way too cavalier, in dismissing legitimate criticism and denying responsibility
, not for what happened in Tuscon for no one is responsible for the actions of a mentally deranged and what is beginning to sound like the classic hallmarks, of a paranoid schizophrenic, individual.

No, what I am alluding to is the failure to acknowledge and accept shared responsibility for the widespread tendency, over the last thirty years, for Americans who do not share the same political viewpoint to talk past each other, not listen to what the other has to say, presume the worst and in knee jerk fashion, argue to the contrary, even if they do not know what they are arguing about or with whom.

To get the ball rolling, I will candidly admit, much to my embarrassment and chagrin, to be guilty of this foible of civic discourse on numerous occasions in just the past year. If you think I am just saying this to be magnanimous and support my own thesis, just scroll down and back in time to September of last year and read my entry entitled "Fiasco". Although I purposely did not go into great detail, the reunion of best friends from high school, which was nearly thirty years in the making, was ruined and a friendship possibly destroyed over an alcohol fueled debate on the merits of more tax cuts for the ultra wealthy, its negligible effects on job creation and the greater ramifications on a fragile economy.

Our discussion turned debate, turned yelling match, cleared out, and I literally mean emptied, a busy downtown Minneapolis bar, much to the staff's amazement turned anger. But do you think this stopped us? Hell, it did not even slow us down! That's how sure we Americans of different political stripes have become in our beliefs as to the correctness of our positions. God
help us!

With that said, let us turn back and reflect on the debate surrounding the tragedy that transpired this past week. In their heart of hearts, I do not believe that the critics on the left were saying that the Tea Party or other right wing activists were culpable for the violent actions of an individual displaying all the behaviors of someone suffering from a profound mental illness. Rather, I believe what the critics on the left were attempting to convey is that we, as citizens of the most powerful democracy in human history have obligations that come with the benefits that this country has so richly bestowed upon us.

Foremost of which is the responsibility to be informed and participate in our democracy in a constructive fashion. It is not illegal nor is anyone seriously suggesting making it against the law to engage in political speech that is immature, thinly veiled bigotry, racist and or borders on the intimidating and threatening with references to violent imagery. No, that is your constitutional right. But such behaviors and speech are not the responsible actions of good citizens.

I for one am a strong proponent of Second Amendment Rights, a member of a gun sports club and own numerous guns of all lengths and sizes including hand guns. I am also a Democrat and I believe to my very core that as sad and tragic as the events of the last week were, one of the worst reactions we could have would be to quickly ram through, in knee jerk fashion, some bad piece of legislation by victimization such as banning the sale of magazines over a certain capacity so we could feel good, that we have done something. I know it sounds trite and stupidly simplistic, but neither guns nor magazine capacity hurt people and banning something already in widespread circulation only leaves the banned item in the hands of the wrong people. Besides, it only takes me a second or two to push a button and drop the empty clip on my Smith and Wesson 9mm and jam a fresh clip in. It should be noted that I purchased this particular model of Smith and Wesson shortly before the last ban on clip capacity went into effect and I also purchased several extra of the soon to be banned high capacity clips.

Now having said the above, not to brag, but rather for purposes of context and credibility, I believe all responsible gun owners, be they on the left or the right, Republican or Democrat, members of the NRA or Ducks Unlimited, should join in with their disapproval and condemnation for any group or politician that resorts to the use of violent gun imagery as part of their civic discourse. Reasonable minds cannot disagree that there is no room for ads such as the one supporters of Jesse Kelly, Congresswoman Giffords opponent in last fall's election, caused to be published on the local Republican party website:



Back when I was in the sixth grade at Lewinsville Elementary School in McLean, Virginia, my teacher, Ione Johnson, use to exhort us to be good citizens. If we weren't, she used to put the offending student up against the wall of the classroom, in the corner where the hinges meet the door and then lean into the door with all of her 300 pound plus weight, and squeeze the bad behavior and nearly the life out of us. Where are the Mrs. Johnsons of the world now when we really need them?

Saturday, November 27, 2010

FLOYD COMES HOME TO ROSEDALE: GOPHERS UPSET HAWKEYES





Not since 1985 have the Hawkeyes been handed a more devastating season ending upset then today's loss at the hands of the rebounding Golden Gopher Football program.

I remember the 1985 game and aftermath very well. Like their 2010 version, the 1985 Iowa Hawkeye Football program was flying high and heading to a post season bowl invitation to the Copper Bowl. The only thing possibly standing in the Hawkeyes way was a bad Minnesota Gopher Football team playing for nothing more than pride.

But just like their 2010 compatriots, the 1985 Gophers upset the previously high flying Hawkeyes causing a slightly inebriated law school student to run through the concourse of the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome holding aloft a penny and screaming in the stunned faces of the defeated Hawkeye fans: "LOOK, LOOK YOU WEEJUNS! THIS IS THE ONLY COPPER YOU'LL BE SEEING THIS YEAR!!"

Well to all the Hawkeye fans out there including my friend Steve and co-worker Jeremy, here's old "Honest Abe" looking back at ya!

Tuesday, November 9, 2010

The Tracker

There once was a Tea Party Tracker
who said he could find deer faster
To a couple of Twilight doe blasters

Charlie said "Look to the Right"
His wingman, Cal, said
"No it's to the Righter still"

But neither Fox News nor Charlie
Nor the man still farther Right

Could believe their ears
Much less the sight

Of the Tea Party Tracker
Triumphantly proud
Straddling his quest

"Why it was Jim, all alone
and Way out on the Left!"

c. 2010 Plainsense

Sunday, October 24, 2010

Complex Issues Demand More than Outrage and Dogma; Mid-Term Elections Should be a Call To Reason


The serious, even dire, consequences of allowing passion to be the deciding factor in today's mid-term elections cannot be under estimated. The time for political posturing, outrage and dogma are over. We get it. The average citizen is Angry. So what are these angry citizens gonna do about it? Unfortunately so far, these initially well-intentioned groups have been so blinded by their anger, they have allowed themselves to be co-opted by the very forces who caused the problems. For months now I have just shaken my head, first in amusement, and later in utter disbelief, as I have watched Republican party leaders desperately groping for an issue in an attempt to distract the public's attention away from their failed policies which caused the deepest recession since the Great Depression. As usual, the Republican pr machine used their well-worn playbook of thinly veiled racism (e.g. Obama not born in America), religion (e.g. Obama's a Muslim) and their old standard, appeals to false patriotism, to distract.

The complex problems facing our nation call for the very best and brightest minds using the best scientific approaches to decision making, free of emotion and partisanship, to come up with the best possible human solutions (not perfect ones or ideologically pure rhetoric) if we are to survive and leave our children any semblance of the country we inherited from the "Greatest Generation".
So just how did our parent's generation not only survive, but prevail over the Great Depression and in World War II? They realized that serious times called for serious analysis using the best data and knowledge across all sectors of industry, fields of science and academia that this great nation had to offer. But just as important as getting the best information and bringing to bear the best knowledge, is using a decision making framework and process that will hopefully filter out all the imperfections of human nature to arrive at the best possible decisions.

Fortunately we have such a framework and process, its called the scientific method and it has served us well in the past whenever we have been faced with life and death issues. Notice that I did not describe our political system, which is the very institution that we have assigned the task of decision making to. Don't get me wrong, I am not knocking democracy. As Americans we are rightly proud and even a little smug, over the system of government we inherited from the country's founding fathers. As every American should have learned in grade school, the genius and overriding principal on which our democracy and system of government was based, was a system of checks and balances to be zealously pursued and defended among three co-equal branches of government. Coupled with a detailed list or bill of individual rights, including, importantly, freedom of assembly and freedom of speech, in a perfect and logical world, an informed citizenry, through their elected representatives, would engage in a robust intellectual battle for truth in the marketplace of ideas. The end result of which would hopefully be enlightened decision making giving enough sense of participation to allow for an uninterrupted string of arguably democratic elections and non-violent transfers of government for more than 230 years.

The dilemma we are in today comes as a result of our own success and progress. The catch-22 of modernity is that history, like science is based upon trial and error. In an ever increasingly complex world, comes a correspondingly set of complex, inter-connected problems. The very nature of complex systems is that with so many variables, it becomes increasingly difficult to understand and predict with certainty exact causes and effects of problems and potential problems. some of which we don't understand.

Much more troubling and perhaps catastrophically dangerous, are the complex problems which science can at least identify, even if science has not yet progressed to the point where it has worked out every last detail and a perfect or complete solution to the problem. But such is the human condition, as a species we will never be omniscient.

Tuesday, October 19, 2010

The Birth ...And Death of a Gopher Nation


As I stated in my post following the Gopher-USC fiasco, there is no love lost between Coach Brewster and I. Call me clairvoyant, a football savant or what have you, I just have a knack for spotting an idiot and I saw this bubba coming lit up in Las Vegas Neon. My only regret is the idiot who hired him, Joe Maturi, is not making the elephant walk with him.


Here is an editorial cartoon I submitted to my alma matter's student newwspaper, the Minnesota Daily, the largest daily circulation college newspaper, back in December 2007 at the close of Brewster's first season as Gopher coach. Needless to say the Daily did not print my cartoon...but guess who gets the last word! Word to Maturi: You're Next!!

Sunday, October 10, 2010

Newt Interview: Failure to Hold Accountable the Ones Doing the Counting

Letter to the Editor
At Issue
KSTP Television

Gentleperson:

I respect the host's, Tom Hauser's, proclivity to be polite when conducting interviews. But while no one likes an obnoxious interviewer, I do think it would have added some balance to the show had Mr. Hauser had the intellectual curiosity and courage to ask Mr. Gingrich the question (as he was extolling the virtues of the Clinton Administration and his role as a negotiating partner in its undeniable economic success): "Then why was it Mr. Gingrich, that during the same period that you and your fellow Republicans were bringing the government to a near halt in an attempt to impeach the President for an offense that any constitutional lawyer or scholar could tell you did not rise to the level of an impeachable offense (i.e high crimes and misdemeanor), you yourself was engaged in an extra-marital affair?"

Hmm...I wonder why Gingrich has not thrown his hat into the presidential election 2012 ring yet? But even more unbelievable than Mr. Gingrich's hypocritical hubris is the notion that if the 2010 roster of Republican and Tea Party candidates were to take control of Congress that they would be reasonable and/or rational partners let alone even be receptive to negotiating at all with the current Administration is to forget all short term political and economic memory.

I do appreciate your adding a couple of new faces to the show rather than the same old retreads who add little or nothing to the issue or analysis. I would much prefer it, however, if you would bring on your show respected, neutral and objective economists, scientists and scholars, including our elders in their respective fields (and for Chrissakes I do not mean Wendell Anderson, give him a rest!). This would be much more interesting and informative than another ad nausea round of Amber and Dave "the no tax guy".

Wednesday, September 22, 2010

Clinton Makes the Administration’s Case for Voting Democratic in Mid-term Elections

Appearing on PBS's News Hour program on Wednesday, September 22, 2010, former President Bill Clinton made the Administration's case for voting Democratic in the mid-term elections. In his interview with Judy Woodruff, President Clinton correctly reminded the audience of the roots and causes for the current economic crisis which we are, at last, finally beginning to climb out of. Clinton goes on to further remind the viewers of his ecomonic record versus that of the Republicans and why it would be self-defeating to go back to the failed policies of the past after just 21 months of the Obama Administration's corrective policies which are just beginning to come to fruition. Hardly anyone noticed the news report yesterday that the recession officially came to an end in June 2010, no doubt in part thanks to Obama Administration policies.

Because what President Clinton had to say is so important, I give you extended excerpts from the Clinton interview:

BILL CLINTON: Because of the nature of this recession, primarily, and because of the way it played out in people's lives. Let me just give you a couple of examples. We lost about $3 trillion in immediate economic activity. We actually have done a better job coming out of it in the last year than other countries have. We've recovered 70 percent of our GDP growth, Germany: 60 (percent), Japan: 50 (percent), the U.K.: 30 (percent).
But that's not enough to get people back to work and everybody is still spooked. Banks have $1.8 trillion in cash now. The financial system was saved. That cash is uncommitted to loans. So, and then it takes a long time to start these new jobs. The stimulus bill did not fail, but only a third of the stimulus was ordered to creating new jobs and it's going to have a big impact but there is a long lag time.
Then the final problem is ... in the last decade, we dropped from first to 12th in the world with the percentage of our people with college degrees at the time when the difference between people with a college education without it got bigger. That is, the unemployment rate -- the chart and all the press yesterday -- the unemployment rate among non college graduates is about 11 percent and it's right at 4 (percent) for those have degrees. And for the first time now, we've got posted job openings in America going up twice as fast as new hires. If we were just filling for those jobs with skilled people we'd have 5 million more people at work.
JUDY WOODRUFF: You know so many business leaders as well as political leaders, why do you believe that they are not using -- you've said, I think -- $1.6 trillion in cash they are sitting on in these businesses to create jobs?
BILL CLINTON: Well, the good news is they don't want to spend the money overseas or they would have already done that because about 80 percent of this money -- $1 trillion plus -- is in the hands of 75 companies. And that's one where probably neither party can give you the answer.
I think my party's got the right answer on the job training and on where the jobs are growing in small business and manufacturing and green energy, and I think the financial oversight bill will lead to more lending in positive ways and I think repealing it, which the other side wants to do, will lead to more gambling -- which got us in trouble in the first place.
But neither party has done this. I think that in order to answer your question really what we need to do is to interview those 75 companies that have 85 percent of this money and find out what it would take to get them to invest.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Because I'm asking because you know so many of these...
BILL CLINTON: I do.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Is it your sense that they are justified in not spending the money to create jobs?
BILL CLINTON: Well, it's not that they don't want to. I mean let's take Cisco. I talked to John Chambers today. They've actually created 6,000 jobs in America this year. But they've got a lot more money they can use.
I talked to another executive who's got $1 billion in the bank said he could create 10,000 jobs tomorrow. He's trying to determine what the new environment will cost him. That is, he wants to know over the next five years what are his taxes, will he spend more or less for health care. If so, how much? What are the environmental rules going to be?
I think a lot of this is just settling down. People were so traumatized by all the horrible things that happened from, you know, after the financial meltdown in 2008, it was a real problem. But I think, that I think is a fairly easy, straightforward thing to do.
The real money though -- the banks have multiple, so if they have $1.8 trillion in cash they could loan $18 trillion in money and end the global recession. The job training program
JUDY WOODRUFF: But that's not happening either.
BILL CLINTON: No, but I think it will and I think that's something. For example, the administration offered loan guarantees for clean energy projects. I think that we need to have some effort to broaden those loan guarantees so that banks feel comfortable lending that money again. They are just not sure what's going to happen in the other economy. But I think that will happen and that's really critical. That's where the real, real money is.
JUDY WOODRUFF: While we're on the economy let me quickly ask you about the news yesterday that Larry Summers, the presidents' economic .. the head of his economic council was leaving. You know Larry Summers well. He was your Treasury secretary. This is the third senior economic figure in this administration to go at a time of great fragility in the economy. Is this something we should be worried about?
BILL CLINTON: No, not necessarily. I'm embarrassed to say that I've been so in my little cocoon I didn't see it. I think the macroeconomic framework of the administration has set -- I don't think there is any question that even though it was controversial saving the financial system, having the Federal Reserve keep interest rates near zero and passing that stimulus which performed better, not worse than it was predicted to, has saved millions of jobs. Now people don't feel that yet because we're not growing jobs.
And I'm not saying that because I think that people should be grateful to the president and the Congress. I'm just saying these people stopped the hemorrhaging and I think we all know what we have to do built out, so I think Larry may feel that he's done the major thing that he was supposed to do, which was to stop the wheels from coming off the track.
And now I think what we need to do is practice what an economist will call microeconomics -- the art of the deal. We need to figure out where we are going to grow jobs and how we are going to grow them and I believe that we will be able to do that if you, and I think this creates an opportunity for the president to bring in some people like Erskine Bowles who financed new businesses for 20 years or people who ran businesses or people who understand how to turn this energy thing into a huge opportunity to create jobs.
JUDY WOODRUFF: And speaking of jobs, let's talk about the CGI for a moment. You are seeking commitments here from people to create jobs in the United States. Tell us exactly what your goal is. What kind of commitment of jobs?
BILL CLINTON: Well, keep in mind we don't have anything like as much money as you find in corporate treasuries or bank accounts or the federal government. Our goal here is to create jobs in a way that shows a simple model that can be embraced by the business community, or by governments or both.
So let me give you probably the most elemental example. Last year was a tough year for young people that need summer jobs to support their families or pay for college, because companies didn't hire so many people for summer jobs.
So one of our projects will involves people mostly in upper Manhattan and Harlem and Washington Heights and groups going to hire young people for summer jobs or after-school jobs to work on retrofitting buildings and making them more efficient. It's very inexpensive. They might do something as simple as change the lights. It might be something as simple as whitewash the black tar roofs, but this is something you can do in every city in America, create of thousands and thousands of jobs.
JUDY WOODRUFF: I want to ask you about another issue you are obviously talking about here. Haiti -- you are the U.N. special envoy. You have taken a great personal interest in Haiti since the terrible earthquake there. Why is it taking so long, in a nutshell, for that country to get back on its feet?
BILL CLINTON: I would say three reasons. First of all everyone needs to understand that the third of the country that was devastated -- 35 percent of the population was all in the city, concentrated, and housing always takes longer. When I became president, Hurricane Andrew, we still had people in temporary housing in Florida a year later. Second, Haiti had no mortgage system. The ownership was unclear and we got the streets full of rubble and the need to rebuild the infrastructure like water and sewer. Third, the donors are having their own economic problems and that's slowing the flow of aid.
We are going to have a housing expo in October. We are going to have land set aside for building right outside the city center and I think you'll see this thing really pick up in the next few months.
JUDY WOODRUFF: And once it does, does Haiti have the capacity to spend that money productively right now?
Bill Clinton : Not right now, but that's why we are trying to run it through a commission and organize how all the money will be spent and tell people every day on the internet who gave the money, who gets the money, and then promise them a performance audit from Pricewaterhouse when it's over.
That is -- and simultaneously, by the way Judy, we are building at capacity. A lot of people don't know this but on the earthquake day, Haiti had 17 percent of its national government workforce killed. So it would be hard for America to get up the day after tomorrow -- if tomorrow we lost 17 percent of the federal workforce -- and do everything we are supposed to do.
They didn't have a great deal of capacity to start with, so I think that under the circumstances we're doing about as well as we can, but nobody's happy. We're going to have to do it faster and better.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Politics. I have to ask you about this. We are 5 ½ weeks away from the midterm elections, it's looking like a tough reckoning for Democrats in November. Few people know the American electorate as well as you do. Can President Obama still get people to listen to him to get a message across? Or have people just stopped listening?
BILL CLINTON: Well, some have stopped listening. They do that. I found it myself. I told him the other day, as far as I could tell they hadn't said anything about him they didn't say about me in '94. And part of it is just frustration because people don't feel better. Then there is this larger -- the Republican narrative against him has two points.
One is: They had 21 months to fix this mess, they didn't fix this, put us back in. The larger narrative is he's a closet socialist who wants to spread this bureaucratic government pall across the country and crush the spirit of liberty and individual initiative and small business vitality and it's not American.
I think what he should say back is to their charge: They put us in a $3 trillion hole and 21 months wasn't enough to get out of it. They dug, you gave them eight years to dig this hole, just give us two more years, give us four years to dig out of it. Just half what you gave them and if it's not better you can throw us all out in two years. That is: people are angry and you need to do it.
But then I would advise him and all the Democrats to talk about what we are going to do now and ask them who is more likely to do it. In other words, if this is a referendum on people's anger and apathy -- so our side stays home and their side's inside -- we don't do well. If it's a choice between who is going to do what, we can do well. And that's what I hope it will be.
JUDY WOODRUFF: But the president has been saying for some weeks, maybe months he has been saying the election is a choice between continuing with present policy or going back to the Republican policies of the last administration, and so far Democrats are not nearly as energized as Republicans, conservatives and certainly not as energized as the tea party.
BILL CLINTON: That is because he needs to explain, he and all of the Democrats each on their own -- and I'd like to see some national advertising -- explain why we didn't get out of the hole, but then the stimulus it did more good than it was projected to do, not less. And talk about how, their position is inherently not tenable if you are thinking. I mean we had Republican presidents for 12 years before I became president. They quadrupled the national debt. We paid $600 billion down on the national debt. They could have stayed with the budget I had, we'd be out of debt by 2012. They only care about the deficit and spending when Democrats are in.
Instead of staying with my budget plan they went back to trickle-down economics. They doubled the debt all over again, before the financial meltdown. Before the meltdown, we only had 2 ½ million jobs -- 10 percent as many as in my eight years. The American people say we don't care, we're angry, we're frustrated -- and they are buying all this. Our side is neither defended the -- they just have taken these attacks without an effective defense. And since people are literally not feeling better, they may be going back to embracing the changes, the policies that got us in trouble.
Let me just give you one example. There was a big chart in the paper yesterday, unemployment among non college graduates almost 11 percent. Among college graduates 4 percent. Where new job openings are going up twice as fast as job hires because there is a big skills mismatch. OK. Here is one thing this election is about:
The Democrats support the student loan reform that makes it cheaper to finance a college education and gives every single college graduate from now on the right to pay their loan back as a small percentage of their income over 20 years. Massive economic significance. The Republicans are committed to repealing it, taking the money they were giving the students and giving it back to banks for basically no risk. In other words they are running on a promise to make it more expensive and harder to go to college, on a record that saw us drop from first to 12th in the world in the percentage of young adults who are college graduates for the first time since World War II.
And people want to be apathetic in the face of that, or do they want to vote for that? No, they say, 'Bill I'm sorry that's going to happen but I'm just so angry. I have to vote anyway.' I mean we need to make this election about something real and clear and if it is than we should honorably embrace the results and not feel bad. I don't think we're putting up a good fight yet.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Not putting up a good fight. Well, one last question..
BILL CLINTON: The president's out there now and I think it's high time. And it's good, and it's good that he's taken some shots. That's what people want to see. They like to see their presidents get hit a little bit.
JUDY WOODRUFF: One last question, I've looked at your schedule over the next few weeks, you are slated to appear with a number of Democratic candidates. I am told you are going to be out on the road for much of the month of October. In fact, you are in greater demand in a number of these races, these competitive races, out on the trail than the president is. How do you explain that?
BILL CLINTON: Well, they always like you better when you're gone. They always do. I think that, you know, and it may not be popular to say this is but what I honestly believe -- I'm not running for anything anymore. I can't run for anything. But I do spend an hour a day studying this economy. I love my country and I want us to do well.
I believe the president and the Congress have done better than the American people think. I'm not upset that they are not getting credit for it because Democrats get hired when the country is messed up and people hire us to fix things. People don't feel better. They don't feel things fixed. So it's OK they are not getting credit for it.
But what the American people need to do is to do what's best for themselves and their family. The only things that really matter are: what are we going to do now? And once you settle on that, who is more likely to do it? If the election is about that, I think we'll do fine. Take a few licks in the marginal races that we shouldn't probably have won anyway. If the election is about my anger, my apathy, my amnesia about who's going to do what, then that's a tough environment for us.
But the Republicans have been really very straightforward in what they want to do. It's not just repeal health care. They want to repeal the student loan reform. They want to repeal the financial oversight. They want to move toward privatizing Social Security and Medicare. They want to do, in short, what they've wanted to do for 30 years.
And we now we had all this experience. It doubled the debt, produced 10 percent as many jobs as I did, got us in the mess we're in. And so our answer is we're going to throw the Democrats out after 21 months and bring back the people who made the decisions that put us in a hole in the first place?
I think what the Democrats need to say is: 'we share your anger, we honor your anger. If we fail you throw us out but you gave them eight years, give us four. Just half as much as you gave them. Give us four. If it's not better in two years, you can vote us all out. But give us enough time to get out of the hole and move America forward,' and then say what you're going to do. I think that's the main chance they've got to make this a good election.
JUDY WOODRUFF: And they've got five weeks to do it in.
BILL CLINTON: Five weeks. That's plenty of time. If you look at the, the one interesting thing is both parties are held in fairly low esteem and people just think 'well if I throw the Democrats out maybe they'll be forced to work together.' In other words, it's not really, but there is not much understanding of these specific differences in what they are offering to do.
And I think maybe the apathy vote is more important for the Republicans in their surging even in the tea party vote. The tea party vote, its manifestation is their base voters are going to show up. That always happens. Once you are out you feel more threatened, you get more energized, you want to show up.
What's more important is that all those people who voted for the first time ever in 2006 and 2008 realize that this is not, there are no one-time miracle votes. Citizenship is a lifetime job and if you want to protect the votes that you cast and protect the policies you support, you've got to show up again and if don't you can't complain if you lose and everything you voted for is washed away. It's your fault for staying home. That's what people have to understand.

Fiasco: Punctuality and Politics Derail Reunion of Old Friends



fi·as·co noun \fē-ˈas-(ˌ)kō also -ˈäs-\ludicrous and complete failure; disaster...

That pretty much sums up my last weekend. You see, I was greatly looking forward to reuniting with perhaps one of my best childhood friends, who I had not seen since 1987. My friend has ties to the USC Athletic Department nad his Trojans were rolling into my humble burg of Minneapolis to face my alma mater and Minnesota sport's version of a fiasco, the Tim Brewster led Golden Gophers football team.

The lowley Gophs were fresh off perhaps the program's most ignoble defeat, a loss to South Dakota in this year's home opener. I can't say I was much surprised, hell I even predicted the loss, not so much because I am a football guru, but rather as a result of my complete and utter disdain for head coach Tim Brewster. Brewster was hired by U of M athletic director Joe Maturi in the wake of Glenn Mason's bowl game collapse approximately five years ago. Despite resurrecting a pitiful gopher football program and racking up the best record of any Gopher football coach in my lifetime (at least living memory), Maturi fired Mason for a flippant remark following the greatest collapse in college bowl history (i.e the Mason led Gophs blew a 30 plus halftime lead). However, Mason's crime was not losing, but rather downplaying the significance of the loss and reminding reporters that it was only a game, after all the main focus of any university was to provide an education to its student. In other words, they fired Mason for saying the same thing every U President said after every football season of my college career. But instead of replacing Mason with a Division 1, winning coach, Maturi like every one of his predecessors since the "Bernie Bierman Days", went cheap and hired an unknown, unproven commodity called Tim Brewster.

My gripe with Brewster started when he breezed into town and announced that we had no football tradition (forget 8 national championships) and that he was starting one here and now. Brewster's idea of tradition was stealing "Gator Nation" and the victory walk into the stadium from other programs. Although I never attended one of Brewster's "victory walks", I cannot wait to line the course of his and Maturi's elephant walk (think rugby) the hell out of the state.

Tuesday, September 14, 2010

Boehner Finally Takes A Responsible Position On An Issue But GOP Goon Squad Quickly Reels Him Back In



For a moment there, last Sunday on Face the Nation, Minority Leader John "Coppertone" Boehner actually said something intelligent. When Bob Schiefer asked him if he would vote for a Democratic bill extending tax cuts for all but the Wealthiest 2% (i.e. couples making over $250,000/year), Boehner stated he would, if he "...had no other choice", but he quickly added, he would prefer that everyone (code for the filthy rich who caused all the problems and now expect another handout) receive the extended tax cuts.

"Could this be really happening?" I asked myself. A post-Reagan Republican actually courting the formerly middle class? Of course not. No sooner had Boehner's chair cooled off, then Mitch "no chin" McConnell and the rest of the GOP goon squad had forced Boehner to make a retraction and gave him 50 swats with the fraternity pledge paddle left over from GWB times.

I found the most amusing part of the Republican Kabuki dance was the new false, misleading statistic that is on every Republican's lips (i.e.talking points). Remember the Republicans, much like Mussolini, have discovered that if you repeat a lie long enough some of the mentally deficient will start to believe you.

Only problem for the GOP Boogieman, their old lie from the 2004 campaign, that the people at the higher end of the Bush Tax Cuts were responsible for creating 85% of the small business jobs in America, has been exposed for what it is, a lie. Nice try but the figure is more like 3-6%. So now the chinless wonder McConnell and his mental minions are trotting out a couple of new whoopers. McConnell's argument that the taxpayers at the high end of the Bush Tax Cuts are responsible for 50% of small business income (notice how they don't mention job creation). Better yet, some light weight of a Republican Congressman, so memorable I can't even remember his name, said on the PBS News Hour "94 percent of small businesses file S Corp returns". I still have not figured this one out other than to say that Cliff Claven from Cheers would be proud.

But just like their last round of VooDoo economics, this figure is misleading, inaccurate and a desparate ploy to give the ditto heads something they can recite like the rosary. But don't believe me, see the March 2009 article by FactCheck.Org, the independent and politically neutral fact checking site run by the University of Pennsylvania's esteemed Annenberg School of Journalism (sorry Fox News).
http://www.factcheck.org/2009/03/half-of-the-wealthy-own-small-businesses/

Thursday, September 9, 2010

Henn Co Attorney Mike Freeman Releases Whitewash Report on Metro Gang Strike Force; Freeman Should Resign If He Cannot Do the Job

September 8, 2010 will live in infamy as the day that the biggest whitewash in American history was released to the public. No, I am not talking about BP's 200 plus page self-serving report on the causes of the oil rig explosion and resulting massive oil spill in the gulf. Quite frankly, we had expected as much from BP's former CEO and chief Weasel, Tony Hayward. No one was surprised when greedy and criminal shortcuts by BP officials were downplayed and instead BP pointed its oil stained accusatory finger at the rig operator and Haliburton, who of course were taking orders from BP.

No the whitewash I am talking about is not Republican Gubernatorial candidate, Tom "tax Cut" Emmer, who just weeks before the election still has not said how he will deal with the $6 Billion state deficit but did release his plans for getting the Minnesota economy back on track. I know, I know. You are never going to believe this, but Emmer's solution, don't hold your breath, is more tax cuts. Imagine that! Another GOP candidate with a brilliant and imaginative plan to restore vitality to the economy, more tax cuts, especially for the wealthiest 2 percent. Just a reminder to Emmer and his mental minions, supply side economics did not work under the senile, imbecile President we had back in the 1980's and was one of the biggest contributors to the staggering deficits and national debt we have today.

The white wash I am referring to is the disgraceful, cop-out, cover-up report of Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman, whose 19 page explanation why he refuses to perform his duty to prosecute crimes committed within his jurisdiction boils down to the Metro Gang Strike Force's destruction of documents and obstruction of justice was so successful there is no evidence to prosecute any members for a criminal offense. Oh, Bullshit!!, as my father and former Justice Department official would say. Freeman, if you cannot do your job, step aside so someone else will. Freeman's inaction is as potentially dangerous to the citizens of Minnesota, in the form of giving a green light to police abuses and corruption as the dim witted Florida pastor's plan to burn the Koran.

If you care to add a little lite fiction to your reading list, here is a link to Freeman's whitewash: http://kstp.com/kstpImages/repository/cs/files/MGSF%20Report%209-08-10.pdf